by William Dalrymple
Major Harriott, the prosecutor, chose to build a highly speculative case of
such obvious flimsiness and lack of understanding of what the Uprising had
been about that none of the British observers who kept accounts of the trial
could be persuaded even to begin to believe his argument.
Harriott maintained that Zafar was the evil genius and linchpin behind an
international Muslim conspiracy stretching from Constantinople, Mecca and
Iran to the walls of the Red Fort. His intent, declared Harriott, was to
subvert the British Empire and put the Mughals in its place. Contrary to all
the evidence that the Uprising broke out first among the overwhelmingly
Hindu sepoys, and that it was high-caste Hindu sepoys who all along formed
the bulk of the fighting force; and ignoring all the evident distinctions
between the sepoys, the jihadis, the Shia Muslims of Persia and the Sunni
court of Delhi, Major Harriott argued that the Mutiny was the product of the
convergence of all these conspiring forces around the fanatical Islamic
dynastic ambitions of Zafar: "To Musalman intrigues and Mahommedan
conspiracy we may mainly attribute the dreadful calamities of the year
1857," argued Major Harriott. "The Mutineers [were] in immediate connexion
with the prisoner at your bar."
The conspiracy, from the very commencement, was not confined to the
sepoys, and did not even originate with them, but had its ramifications
throughout the palace and city ... [Zafar was the] leading chief of the
rebels in Delhi ... Dead to every feeling that falls honourably on the
heart of man, this shrivelled impersonation of malignity must have
formed no inapt centrepiece to the group of ruffians that surrounded him
... We see how early and how deeply the [Muslim] priesthood interested
and engaged themselves in this matter, and how completely and
exclusively Mahommedan in character was this conspiracy ...
[Was Zafar] the original mover, the head and front of the undertaking,
or but the consenting tool ... the forward, unscrupulous, but still
pliant puppet, tutored by priestly craft for the advancement of
religious bigotry? Many persons, I believe, will incline to the latter.
The known restless spirit of Mahommedan fanaticism has been the first
aggressor, the vindictive intolerance of that peculiar faith has been
struggling for mastery, seditious conspiracy has been its means, the
prisoner its active accomplice, and every possible crime the frightful
result ... The bitter zeal of Mahommedanism meets us everywhere ...
perfectly demonic in its actions ...
The Uprising in fact showed every sign of being initiated by upper-caste
Hindu sepoys reacting against specifically military grievances perceived as
a threat to their faith and dharma; it then spread rapidly through the
country, attracting a fractured and diffuse collection of other groups
alienated by aggressively insensitive and brutal British policies. Among
these were the Mughal court and the many Muslim individuals who made their
way to Delhi and fought as civilian jihadis united against the kafir enemy.
Yet Harriott's bigoted and Islamophobic argument oversimplified this complex
picture down to an easily comprehensible, if quite fictional, global Muslim
conspiracy with an appealingly visible and captive hate figure at its
centre, towards whom righteous vengeance could now be directed. . . . [pages 406, 407]
When Delhi fell in September 1857 it was not just the city and Zafar's court
which were uprooted and destroyed, but the selfconfidence and authority of
the wider Mughal political and cultural world throughout India. The scale of
the devastation and defeat, and the depths of the humiliation heaped on the
vanquished Mughals, profoundly diminished not just the prestige of the old
aristocratic order, but also - to at least some extent - the composite
Hindu-Muslim, Indo-Islamic civilisation of which Zafar's court had been the
flagship, and of whose sophisticated, tolerant and open-minded attititudes
Ghalib's poems still form such a striking testament.
For the British after 1857, the Indian Muslim became an almost subhuman
creature, to be classified in unembarrassedly racist imperial literature
alongside such other despised and subject specimens, such as Irish Catholics
or "the Wandering Jew." The depth to which India Muslims had sunk in British
eyes is visible in an 1868 production called The People of India, which
contains photographs of the different castes and tribes of South Asia
ranging from Tibetans and Aboriginals (illustrated with a picture of a naked
tribal) to the Doms of Bihar. The image of "the Mahomedan" is illustrated by
a pieture of an Aligarh labourer who is given the following caption: "His
features are pecuIiarly Malromedan ... [and] exemplify in a strong manner
the obstinacy, sensuality, ignorance and bigotry of his class. It is hardly
possible, perhaps, to conceive features more essentially repulsive."
The profound contempt that the British so openly expressed for Indian Muslim
and Mughal culture proved contagious, particularly to the ascendant Hindus,
who quickly hardened their attitudes to all things Islamic, . . . [page 440]
[William Dalrymple's "The
Last Mughal" won the prestigous Duff Cooper Prize for History and
Biography in 2007.]
Paul R. Dunn, "Islamic Fascism: The
Propaganda of Our Times," The Wisdom Fund, September, 2006
Enver Masud, "Iraq: Divide and Rule,
'Ethnic Cleansing Works'," The Wisdom Fund, October 10, 2006
["I am so very fond of him. He is so good and gentle and understanding... and
is a real comfort to me."
These were the words of Queen Victoria speaking to her daughter-in-law,
Louise, Duchess of Connaught, on November 3, 1888, at Balmoral. Perhaps
surprising, though, is who she was talking about - not her beloved husband,
Albert, who had died in 1861. Nor John Brown, her loyal Scottish ghillie,
who in many ways filled the void left by Albert, since Brown had died in
1883.
Instead, Queen Victoria was referring to Abdul Karim, her 24-year-old Indian
servant.--Ben Leach, "The lost diary of
Queen Victoria's final companion," Telegraph, February 26, 2011]