by Craig S. Smith
PARIS, Nov. 10 - Semou Diouf, holding a pipe in one hand and a cigarette in
the other, stood amid the noisy games of checkers and cards in the dingy
ground-floor common room of a crowded tenement building and pondered the
question of why he feels French.
"I was born in Senegal when it was part of France," he said before putting
the pipe in his mouth. "I speak French, my wife is French and I was educated
in France." The problem, he added after pulling the pipe out of his mouth
again, "is the French don't think I'm French."
That, in a nutshell, is what lies at the heart of the unrest that has swept
France in the past two weeks: millions of French citizens, whether
immigrants or the offspring of immigrants, feel rejected by traditional
French society, which has resisted adjusting a vision of itself forged in
fires of the French Revolution. The concept of French identity remains
rooted deep in the country's centuries-old culture, and a significant
portion of the population has yet to accept the increasingly multiethnic
makeup of the nation. Put simply, being French, for many people, remains a
baguette-and-beret affair.
Though many countries aspire to ensure equality among their citizens and
fall short, the case is complicated in France by a secular ideal that
refuses to recognize ethnic and religious differences in the public domain.
All citizens are French, end of story, the government insists, a lofty
position that, nonetheless, has allowed discrimination to thrive.
France's Constitution guarantees equality to all, but that has long been
interpreted to mean that ethnic or religious differences are not the purview
of the state. The result is that no one looks at such differences to track
growing inequalities and so discrimination is easy to hide. . . .
FULL TEXT
Jon Henley, "Chirac
admits riots had 'exposed inequality'," Guardian, November 7, 2005
Ron Jacobs, "Paris
in Flames: A Sign of France's Failure to Deliver Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity to All Its Citizens," CounterPunch, November 8, 2005
Diane Johnstone, "Paris is
Burning," CounterPunch, November 9, 2005
Robert Fisk, "The Roots
of Civil Unrest in Europe," DemocracyNow!, November 9, 2005
Meg Bortin, "France
Says It Will Deport Foreigners for Rioting," International Herald
Tribune, November 9, 2005
Charles Bremner, "Cameras
capture racist taunts of anti-riot police," Times (UK), November 10,
2005
Jon Henley, "Chirac
admits riots had 'exposed inequality'," Guardian, November 11, 2005
[First, the facts. According to the French intelligence services, the areas
where radical Islamic ideologies have spread furthest in France have
actually proved the calmest over recent weeks. Second, characterising the
rioters as 'Muslim' at all is ludicrous. Most were as Westernised as you
would expect third-generation immigrants to be and far more interested in
soft drugs and rap than getting up for dawn prayers.
Indeed, a high proportion was of sub-Saharan African descent and not Muslim
at all. Others were white and so, following Phillips's description of the
darker skinned rioters as 'Arab Muslims', should presumably be referred to
as 'Caucasian Christians'.--Jason Burke, "France
and the Muslim myth," Observer, November 13, 2005]
Christopher Dickey, "Rage on Rue
Picasso: Will the riots swell the ranks of jihadists in Europe?,"
Newsweek, November 14, 2005
[. . . the president said companies, unions and the media must help bring
diversity to French society and combat what he called the poison of
discrimination.--Elaine Ganley, "Chirac Says Riots Reveal Identity Crisis,"
Associated Press, November 14, 2005]
Immanuel Wallerstein, "The
inequalities that blazed in France will soon scorch the world: The
tensions between a dispossessed underclass and the comfortable majority have
only been repressed, not solved," Guardian, December 3, 2005
[It is now a matter of public record that for about 12 hours mobs rampaged
through Sydney's southern beach suburbs of Cronulla, Maroubra,
Brighton-le-Sands and Rockdale hounding, harassing and beating those who
fitted their Middle Eastern stereotype. Women were not spared. Then came the
inevitable revenge raids later in the day when some 60 cars were trashed by
carloads of youths from the western suburbs, the homeland for some 200,000
Muslims.--Russell Skelton, "Bali, Tampa, 9/11 : a potpourri
of causes," The Age, December 13, 2005, 2005]
Mike Marqusee, "Who needs
to fit in?: Behind the culture clash between multiculturalists and
integrationists lie harder issues of injustice," Guardian, April 12, 2006