Robert D. Crane, "The New Pagan Empire: An Ideological Challenge To America
and the World," The American Muslim, March-April 2003
M. Shahid Alam, Bernard Lewis and the
New Orientalism ," The Wisdom Fund, June 29, 2003
M. Shahid Alam, "Is There An Islamic Problem?
Essays on Islamicate Societies, the US and Israel," The Other Press (2004)
Enver Masud, "A Clash Between Justice and
Greed," The Wisdom Fund, October 26, 2004
David Ray Griffin, "The
New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions About the Bush Administration and
9/11," Interlink (2004)
"Bin
Laden: 'Your security is in your own hands'," CNN.com, October 29, 2004
Sidney Blumenthal, "
Pentagon experts have made a discovery: Muslims do not hate America's
freedoms, but its policies," Guardian, December 2, 2004
Reza Aslan, "No
god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam," Random House
(March 15, 2005)
[The idea that you are different from everyone else - more democratic,
enterprising, moral, envied by everyone else in the world apart from 'evil'
people who hate you for your 'freedom' (and of course those French
'cheese-eating surrender-monkeys') - cannot be healthy for any country, let
alone a super-power: quite apart from its being obvious nonsense. Beyond
this, however, a recognition that America is imperialist in the same way
that other countries have been may suggest some useful lessons. A couple
have been touched on already: the 'liberation of Baghdad' example; and the
idea that you might need a special class in jodhpurs and pith helmets to run
an empire. A third is this, illustrated by the British empire on countless
occasions: the simple rule that benevolent intentions - if we can credit
America with these - do not always have beneficent effects. This applies
especially if you rely on excessive force to achieve them. A fourth may be
the conclusion come to by a British imperialist (Sir Alfred Lyall) in 1882,
in reference to Egypt: that there has been 'no instance in history of a
nation being educated by another nation into self-government and
independence; every nation has fought its [own] way up.' If true, that
rather puts a spanner in the 'nation-building' works.
Then, of course, there is the ultimate lesson. Every previous empire in
history has 'declined and fallen'. This seems to be an iron law of
empires.--Bernard Porter, "We
Don't Do Empire," History Today, March 2005]
[I believe that on November 2, 2004, the United States crossed its own
Rubicon. Until last year's presidential election, ordinary citizens could
claim that our foreign policy, including the invasion of Iraq, was George
Bush's doing and that we had not voted for him. In 2000, Bush lost the
popular vote and was appointed president by the Supreme Court. In 2004, he
garnered 3.5 million more votes than John Kerry. The result is that Bush's
war changed into America's war and his conduct of international relations
became our own. . . .
First, the United States faces the imminent danger of bankruptcy, which, if
it occurs, will render all further discussion of foreign policy moot. . . .
Second, our appalling international citizenship must be addressed. We
routinely flout well-established norms upon which the reciprocity of other
nations in their relations with us depends. . . .
Third, if we can overcome our imminent financial crisis and our penchant for
boorish behavior abroad, we might then be able to reform our foreign
policies. . . .
In 2004, the United States imported a record $617.7 billion more than it
exported, a 24.4 percent increase over 2003. The annual deficit with China
was $162 billion, the largest trade imbalance ever recorded by the United
States with a single country. Equally important, as of March 9, 2005, the
public debt of the United States was just over $7.7 trillion and climbing,
making us easily the world's largest net debtor nation. Refusing to pay for
its profligate consumption patterns and military expenditures through taxes
on its own citizens, the United States is financing these outlays by going
into debt to Japan, China, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and India. This
situation has become increasingly unstable, as the United States requires
capital imports of at least $2 billion per day to pay for its governmental
expenditures.--Chalmers Johnson, "Wake Up!
Washington's alarming foreign policy," In These Times, March 31, 2005]
[The recent rally of the United States dollar notwithstanding, the greenback
has nowhere to go but down. But the Bush administration is betting that
foreign investors will continue to invest huge sums in this depreciating
currency. How huge? Last month, the government reported that the United
States' deficit in international transactions, mainly trade, reached an
unprecedented $666 billion in 2004, a 24 percent increase from the 2003
level and, at 5.7 percent of the economy, about two to three times what most
economists consider sustainable.
Recently, financial markets have been unsettled by comments from Japan,
South Korea, India and Russia about diversifying away from dollars. And this
week, a tough-talking China vowed not to allow its economic decisions to be
dictated by any other country, a statement that was a rebuff to the United
States.
If the world's central bankers accumulate fewer dollars, the result would be
an unrelenting American need to borrow in the face of an ever weaker dollar
- a recipe for higher interest rates and higher prices. The economic
repercussions could unfold gradually, resulting in a long, slow decline in
living standards. Or there could be a quick unraveling, with the hallmarks
of an uncontrolled fiscal crisis. Or the pain could fall somewhere in
between.--EDITORIAL: "Before the Fall," New York Times, April 2,
2005]
Tariq Ali and David Barsamian, "Speaking
of Empire and Resistance: Conversations with Tariq Ali," New Press (April 15, 2005)
[Humans clothe the act of vengeance in all sorts of other justifications.
When we go to war, or then behave savagely in combat, we hardly ever explain
the act by saying we simply must settle the score.--James Carroll, "America's mortal secret,"
Boston.com, May 3, 2005]
Mark LeVine, "Why
They Don't Hate Us: Lifting the Veil on the Axis of Evil," Oneworld
Publications (August, 2005)
[For the muscular liberals so loudly and so emptily proclaiming their own
superiority, it is anathema to suggest that the insights of Islam might have
a bearing on many of these issues and could even contribute to a renaissance
in western thought. But it's worth reminding them that it's done just that
before.--Madeleine Bunting, "The muscular liberals are marching into a dead end: Those who sign up to a
clash of civilisations pander to racism while engaged in a charade of moral
grandstanding," Guardian, September 12, 2005]
Timothy Garton Ash, "What we
call Islam is a mirror in which we see ourselves: Six views of the west's
problems with the Muslim world reveal as much about those who hold them as
the conflict itself," Guardian, September 15, 2005
Jason Burke, "France
and the Muslim myth: The French riots have been a godsend for those who
oppose integration and progress," Observer, November 13, 2005
[For the first time in history, in the twentieth century, America was able
to tax the world indirectly, through inflation. It did not enforce the
direct payment of taxes like all of its predecessor empires did, but
distributed instead its own fiat currency, the U.S. Dollar, to other nations
in exchange for goods with the intended consequence of inflating and
devaluing those dollars and paying back later each dollar with less economic
goods-the difference capturing the U.S. imperial tax.--Krassimir Petrov, "The
Proposed Iranian Oil Bourse will Accelerate the Fall of the American
Empire," Gold Eagle, January 15, 2006]
[Has the controversy over the Danish cartoons finally proved Samuel
Huntington's theory of the "clash of civilizations" to be right? No, for
civilizations are not players on the stage of world politics, nor do they
wage wars; in many places, people of different cultures are living quite
peacefully together.--Hans Kung, "How to
prevent a clash of civilizations," International Herald Tribune,
March 3, 2006]
[Muslims attributed the poor relations to everything from differing
values to the media. But many pointed to the conflict between Israel and the
Palestinians as the main cause and accused the West of double standards on
terrorism.--Meg Bortin, "For Muslims and
the West, antipathy and mistrust," International Herald Tribune, June
22, 2006]
[It happens from time to time in the United States that somebody invents an
empty but easily digested slogan, which then dominates the public discourse
for some time. It seems that the more stupid the slogan is, the better its
chances of becoming the guiding light for academia and the media - until
another slogan appears and supersedes it. The latest example is the slogan
"Clash of Civilizations", coined by Samuel P. Huntington in 1993 (taking
over from the "End of History").--Uri Avnery, "America's
Rottweiler," counterpunch.org, August 26, 2006]
[A new BBC poll taken by Globescan suggests there is a significant
middle ground which rejects the view that Islam and the West are doomed to
clash.--Roger Hardy, "The middle ground
on Islam and West," BBC News, February 19, 2007]
Jeremy Grant, "Learn from the fall of Rome, US warned," Financial Times,
August 14, 2007
Hans Kung, "Islam:
Past, Present and Future," Oneworld Publications (July 25, 2007)
Pepe Escobar, "Clash of
civilizations, revisited," thesaker.is, July 17, 2020