[As a young backpacker Luke Harding found India charming and
eccentric. Fifteen years later he returned as the Guardian's
correspondent. Now, after finishing his time there, he recalls how
one terrible incident of secular violence in Gujarat brought his
love affair with the country to an end.]
I can identify the moment I fell out of love with India quite
precisely. It happened at the end of last February. Riots had just
broken out in the western state of Gujarat, after a group of Muslims
attacked a train full of Hindu pilgrims, killing 59 of them. In
Gujarat's main city, Ahmedabad, trouble was brewing. Hindu mobs had
begun taking revenge on their Muslim neighbours - there were stories
of murder, looting and arson. Arriving in Ahmedabad from Delhi, I
found it impossible to hire a car or driver: nobody wanted to drive
into the riots.
But the trouble was not difficult to find: smoke billowed from above
Ahmedabad's old city; and I set off towards it on foot. There were
rumours that a mob had hacked to death Ahsan Jafri - a distinguished
Indian former MP, and a Muslim - whose Muslim housing estate was
surrounded by a sea of Hindu houses. A team from Reuters gave me a
lift. Driving through streets full of burned-out shops and broken
glass we arrived half an hour later outside his compound, surrounded
by thousands of people. Jafri had been dead for several hours, it
emerged. A Hindu mob had tipped kerosene through his front door; a
few hours later they had dragged him out into the street, chopped
off his fingers, and set him on fire. They also set light to several
other members of his family, including two small boys. There wasn't
much left of Jafri's Gulbarg Housing Society by the time we got
there: at the bottom of his stairs I discovered a pyre of human
remains - hair and the tiny blackened arm of a child, its fist
clenched. . . .
[Hindu nationalism, or Hindutva - is rising in India. And some say
it has risen with the sometimes unwitting help of Indian Americans
who have contributed millions to charities in their native country,
particularly schools in tribal areas that the Hindu right views as
key to its agenda.--Gaiutra Bahadur, "Hindu nationalists tap immigrant guilt in
U.S.," Philadelphia Inquirer, January 17, 2003]
[In a new twist to the Babri Masjid case, five of the accused on
Saturday alleged that they had pulled down the structure at Ayodhya
at the instigation of Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani and other
senior BJP leaders.--"'Babri Masjid demolished at Advani's
behest'," Times of India, June 7, 2003]
["The primary message of speeches by Acharya Dharmendra and his
colleagues was that the holy duty of Hindu youths was to kill and
finish off the Muslims scattered across the Konkan region and
elsewhere, 'the offspring of the traitor Afzal Khan'.
"Muslims breed like rabbits and their population would soon overtake
that of the Hindus. Until now, we Hindus had been moderate in our
demands but now we will be demanding all the 30,000
masjids."--Rajmohan Gandhi, "Blah,
blah, blood," Hindustan Times, July 4, 2003]
[Project Saffron Dollar aims to put an end to the collection of
hundreds of thousands of dollars by the most 'respectable' of the US
based funding arms of the violent and sectarian Hindutva
movement-the India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF). --"The Campaign to Stop Funding
Hate," stopfundinghate.org, August 15, 2003]
[After completing a five-month excavation, government archeologists
say they have found no evidence of an ancient Hindu temple under the
ruins of a 16th century mosque in the northern Indian town of
Ayodhya.--"No Hindu
Temple Found Under Ruins of Mosque," Los Angeles Times, August
16, 2003]
[The differences follow the release of a report compiled by a team
of Indian Government archaeologists excavating at Ayodhya, in the
state of Uttar Pradesh.--"Dispute
over Ayodhya ruins," BBC News, August 25, 2003]
[India's railway minister Laloo Prasad Yadav . . . told parliament that
forensic investigations revealed that inflammable material inside the train
had led to the fire.--"Fresh probe in
India train attack," BBC News, July 14, 2004]
[Unlike the riot cases - where there was no effort by the Sena government to
prosecute the murderers from their own party named in the Srikrishna report
- the state government went after the (mostly Muslim) bomb-blast plotters
with a vengeance.--Suketu Mehta, "Maximum
City: India Lost and Found," Knopf (September 21, 2004)]
[Parliament was in uproar on Monday over the leaked inquiry report which is
said to blame senior BJP figures including Atal Behari Vajpayee and LK
Advani. . . .
The destruction of the mosque was one of the most divisive events in Indian
history and led to Hindu-Muslim riots across the country in which more than
2,000 people were killed.--"India uproar
over Ayodhya report," BBC News, November 23, 2006]
[Contrary to the contemporary view of Aurangzeb as a temple destroyer, thousands of
Hindu temples adorned the landscape of Aurangzeb's India, and the vast majority were
still standing at the end of his rule. . . .
Hindu kings had begun the Indian tradition of desecrating one another's temples by the
seventh century, long before the dawn of Indo-Muslim rule.--Audrey Truschke, "A
much-maligned Mughal," aeon.co, April 7, 2015]
[The main beneficiaries of the Supreme Court's verdict on Saturday are organically
linked to the main accused in the crime of demolishing the mosque. And that's not good
for India.--Siddharth Varadarajan, What the Supreme Court's Ayodhya Judgment Means for the Future of the
Republic," thewire.in, November 9, 2019]
John Stratton Hawley on His Latest Book, 'Krishna's Playground: Vrindavan in the 21st
Century', The Wire, January 26, 2020